Friday, October 30, 2009

Menexenus

You back from business or some other place, Menexenos?

I was at the townsquare, Socrates; back from the assembly hall.

What precisely had you to do with the City-State's council? Or is it too obvious that you believe you are at the conclusion of your training and higher education, and in belief you're already so sufficiently adequate you mean now to be oriented towards greater affairs; do you try your hand at leading elderly men like us, you amazing man—at your ripe young age, in order that your household not lack continually granting some director to manage us?

Well if you allow and advise it, Socrates, I will be eager to be in charge: And if you don't, I'd not. Although I went to the assembly just now and found out that the council is going to select someone to speak over the dead—as you know, they are going to hold a funeral.

Of course; well, whom did they pick?

No one, they...put it off until tomorrow. Really, I think they'll choose Archinus or Dio.

And yet, Menexenos, there are a lot of different ways in which it might be glorious to die in battle. In fact, it gets a lovely funeral, one proper for a noble man too; and if one should happen to die quite poor, he still receives due praise—even should he be a scoundrel, it's by men who are both bright and eulogize not at random, the ones singing their praises so beautifully spend a long time preparing their statements so that what they say is both relevant and not about each man, although they weave in a way most gorgeously expressions—their result, to bewitch our soul; they even offer praise to their city in every single way and commend those who died in the war and our relatives, all the ones who came before, praising us ourselves who're still alive: Such that I, Menexenos, am eminently well disposed to being flattered by them, and each time I stand out apart when I listen, I'm enchanted because in the moment I believe I have become taller and more noble, even more—a bit too beautiful. Such that, by and large, a few out-of-towners always gather with me and listen to what I become rather prideful towards them on the spot over; actually, I do believe those men experience these same things as relates to myself and the rest of the city, and that they consider it more amazing than before in being persuaded by the speaker. This grave attitude stays with even me some three days or more: The speech is like a song I can't get out of my head the speaker's voice, so that it's almost the fourth or fifth day that I recollect myself and notice where I am, still on earth; up to then, I am obsessed with not living in the Isles of the Blessed—deceased. This 's how professional speakers are in relation to us.

Oh Socrates, you're always coming down upon the the Assembly speakers. But truth is now I think a man who's been picked will not easily walk away; 'cause in every conceivable way the selection comes like right now; & so the actual speaker will be either way forced to speak, reading of one's own heart.

Where'd you get that from, my dear man? Are the speeches of these people in the particulars so finely prepared?, and yet it is no difficult matter to speak extemporaneously on such matters. Like, if one wished to speak properly about the Athenians among Peloponnesians, or about Peloponnese amidst the Athenians, you'd need a fairly right good speaker—one being persuasive and of honorable intention: And whenever anyone is brought to trial or struggling with these individuals, they become the same ones even he compliments. It's no big deal to be seen speaking well?

You don't think so, Socrates?

Oh my, by God no—I do not!

Then you think you'd be able to speak yourself, if it was needed and the council were to select you?

And—even to me Menexenus, it really is no marvel to amaze 'at I speak to effect what with a teacher present I did happen upon, she being at quite the admirable state over her study of the rhetorical art, but also as the very one who has made other quite a few other men—& good ones too—into public speakers; but one also who went far, sir, passed the Greeks; I mean Pericles, Xanthippou's son.

Who is this lady? Or is it clear that you mean Aspasia?

Yes, I'm talking even, like Konnos from Metrobios since these two are my instructors; one's a music teacher and she, the very art of rhetoric. So then I say should a man be supported like so, it really is no amazing marvel to speak with cleverness: But even someone who had ever worse up-bringing than I—though, if trained in music by Lampros, but also in publically speaking by Antiphon of Ramnosios,—even still might this guy be able to be honored as a celebrity by telling the Athenians how great they are?

And what would you be able to say, if it were necessary for you to speak?

Just me on my own—perhaps nothing at all: But I sat listening to Aspasia just yesterday as she was mourning, a funeral speech delivered over these very same matters: Because I heard just what you're talking about, how the Athenians were about to select the speaker; when she was about to start going through some of it on the spot, as which matters were in need of speaking about, and had seen to the rest of it earlier I believe that she composed the funeral speech which Perikles pronounced, as much of it were left over she pieced together from that famous man.

So truly you'd even remember what it was Aspasia herself said?

If not, I'd be mistreating you; I am a student of hers, that's true—and I took quite a few hits when I kept forgetting lessons in discipline.

Then, why'd you go through that?

There was no way to not, the instructor had it in for me (the one whose speech I bore out); solemnity.

No way Socrates; but tell me and you will quite please me, was it you who wanted Aspasia to give the speech, or someone else? Well, say it!

But you might laugh at me, if I seemed to you an old man still playing games.

Not a bit, Socrates; but say it in every turn of phrase.

Then actually, it being necessary to do as you please—that it even almost might, if you were to direct me to start dancing with my clothes off; I would to amuse you, since we are both alone. But she spoke, I do believe, by starting her speech about the dead men like this:

"So in the act, know that we have the things appropriate to these of our dead, o' the ones fated to be conveyed down that road of one's destiny, bearing ourselves to the grave together out of the city, but individually by the family members: And in reasoned measure does the law direct the rest of the universe to recompense the men and must do so. But in a speech well-said about deeds properly accomplished, a memory and universal order in affairs of state do come into being as a result of people hearing; there is need of such a rationale for whomever will properly compliment the dead and graciously give advice to the living by encouraging fathers and brothers to remembrance of their excellence, to recall their fathers and mothers, and if some of their children still among the living are left behind, his speech comforts these people. So what reason could we seem to have for a speech? Or how should we rightly begin in praising great men, for whom living their life made their relations so overjoyed by cause of virtue, they even exchanged their final last in return for security of the living: I believe it right, according to human nature—just as they became noble in such a way, also to hymn them in praise. But they became great by cause of their being born from excellent people. Let's then give credit first to their noble birth, and afterwards praise their upbringing and education; and on top of these considerations, let us elucidate in speech the actual act of their deeds, display it as a noble and worthwhile undertaking. So since the generation of their children made first a beginning of their nobility, since it is no foreign family's source, and does not declare these children as resident aliens in the land with their having come here from somewhere else: Rather it shows that native locals in reality do live inhabiting their homeland and they are raised not by a cold step-mother like others have been; but from the mother of the country in which they live, even now having breathed their last, they rest upon the familial grounds of she who bore and raised and helped establish you. The absolute most just and right thing on the earth exists primarily, the mother herself—for this is also how the nobility of these men comes together in being so arranged.

"It is a land also worthy of all people's complimenting praise, not just ours, in a lot of various ways, but first is the single greatest aspect that it succeeds in being loved by the gods. And the disputes the gods have in relation to it stand as our witness, in reasoned a speech: How could this country, which the gods praise, not be rightly praised by all humanity? And a second grounds for praising may properly be that at that very time when all the earth in bloom brings forth every manner of living creature, both beasts and grazing herds, in this season our land is shown barren and cleansed of wild animals; it chose and gave birth to man from amongst living creatures, who in our understanding surpass the other forms of life and believe in right and the gods alone. And this argument is given proof by the fact that the land gave these creatures birth, and created our ancestors. But every young thing to which the earth gives birth has its necessary means of sustenance, the offspring to which a woman is clear in giving birth—both truly and not in fact—rather she is surpassed if she has no streams to nurse her offspring. With respect to this fact, our country and mother both provide ample proof as to how she created humanity itself; in fact, she was alone at the time when ever she was first to bear the people's nourrishment, the fruit of grains or barley, produce from which, in the most gorgeous, noble way, the human race is fed. It is more fitting to accept such proof as relates to the ground than a woman: For the earth resembles a female in conceiving and giving birth, but woman actually imitates the planet. But she does not envy this fruit; rather she distributes it even to the other fruits of earth. Among this belongs the creation of olives, which aid one's toils, for her children: She was raised and came of age to prime of youth and offered them gods as their heads of state and teachers—and it is fitting in such circumstance to omit their names—as we do know—those of us who set life up disposed towards a way of living each day, practicing the very first abilities people acquired as relates to safeguarding the land we teach the proper means of acquiring and utilizing tools of defense.

"Born and raised in such a way the ancestors of these people inhabited a city-state they had equipped themselves, which one does right to recall in brief terms. Now the actual constitution of the city, its state is nourrishment for human beings—lovely because of its good people, it is the antithesis of evils. Then as our ancestors held a funeral rite in this lovely state it is necessary to elucidate, on account of its constitution, those noble men and the ones of today, these kin of the men who just made their final end. But the very city itself was then, and is still now, a land in which we presently are ruled by the best in birth, and for all time from that fact do many things result. One line of reasoning calls this state democratic, another calls it something else, but it is in reality a government of the best according to approval of the majority. Since there were always sovereign authorities for us to deal with, and at one time these were hereditary, at another elected, they have control of the city, by and large, with respect to the majority and they appoint authorities and also grant strength to those continually esteemed best in reputation, and neither by infirmity nor poverty—no, not even inherited ignorance will ever have rejected even one soul, but the opposing qualities are not honored as they are in other cities: Though it is only one horizon—he who acquires a reputation for wisdom or being noble holds power in office. And its creation equal-made is cause of this, our nation. Now the other cities have been supplied with all different types of various people to such extent their citizens are strange and the constitution of the city-states, a little club run by warlords: So each of them live regarding each other as slaves and masters. However we were, and our kin, all born as brothers of our sole mother and deem it inappropriate to be each other's slave or master; instead, the legal status of our birth compelled us to seek liberty in our very nature under the law, and never to yield to each other anything at all except a reputation for excellence and good sense.

"Indeed from such cause these people's fathers and our own, even these men themselves, and the men of noble birth have been thoroughly indoctrinated by freedom of every kind—so many great endeavors they unveiled for all humankind as personally as public property because they consider the necessary condition concerning their liberty that the Greeks go to war for Greeks, even non-Greeks on behalf of all of Greece. So then, as how they beat back Eumolpos and the Amazonian women marching to field of battle, and enemies even before, so did they defend the Thebans against Argives and repel Heraclids from Argos, which is appropriately related a brief outline, and the poets on the subject have already memorialized quite well by praising their excellence in song for every kind of virtue; so, if we try to order the same things in everyday discourse, perhaps we would appear outclassed. So these things then I do think right to dismiss, since they also have their due; but no author of these matters as yet possesses a worthy reputation for having taken up their worth in worthwhile lines, no poet as yet in remembrance—concerning these affairs I believe one must memorialize them by praising and engaging others to appropriately set the achievements of the ones who accomplish them both in song and some other form of poetry. It's for these causes I speak these words first as reasons: Those born of this land held in check the Persian rulers of Asia who were trying to enslave Europe, the men of our familial line whom it is both justified and needful to praise in their being memorialized first for their virtue. A virtue truly one must see, if intending to praise it right, as if occurring in speech at that famous hour when the Asian continent did service to its third of Kings; Cyrus, the first of these, had liberated the Persian cities he controlled at his own behest at once subjecting their masters, the Medes, to slavery and ruled over the rest of the mid-East unto Egypt as well; and his son was able to march on Egypt and Libya: But the 3rd King, Darius, crossed on march the borders of the Scythians, and ruled at sea the ships throughout the isles to such extent that no one was a match for him; opinions, of every human, were held in subjugation; so the Persians' empire had made slaves of so many great and warlike peoples. And when Darius had found fault with us and men of Eretria (really just pretending to attack Sardis) as pretence, he sent 500,000 in various ships, some three hundred craft—commanded Datis in charge of the fleet and ordered him to bring back Eretrians and Athenians if he wished to hold on to his head; but sailed to Eretria for quite a number of men, who maintained the best reputation of the Greeks at that time for the necessities of waging war; but he conquered these men within three days and divided up their country entirely so that no one could escape in such a manner as this: Going to the furthest reaches of Eretria the soldiers, dispersed from sea to sea, clasped their hands passing through all the land that they could tell the King, No one can have escaped them. With this as their intent did they march from Eretria to Marathon, believing it expedient amidst this very self-same necessity that the Athenians move onward allied with the Eretrians. But in the execution of these activities, and though they did attempt, none of the Greek city-states assisted the people of Eretria or Athenians except from Sparta—They do arrive always from the latest fight.—and every one of the rest was astounded, in love with the salvation of the present now keeping peaceful quiet. One who becomes involved in this matter, truly, should know such men just happen to be the ones who took their display of virtue at Marathon—the strength of the foreigners they also checked as arrogance from all the east and first fixed their monuments of victory over savages; commanders and teachers take for each other the other's place because resisting Persian might could not be futile, but the entire mob and all wealth give way to virtue. Then, so I do state that those men not only become our fathers in sharing our corporeal frame, but even so doing of our freedom and that of all the people in this country; now, looking to that action, and seeing the most recent conflicts the Greeks dared hazard for the sake of salvation, they started learning from the men of Marathon. So the most noble acts in speech must be then dedicated to their memory, while runner-up goes to those who fought at Salamis and for the statue of Artemis in the naval battle and won. In fact, one might have a good many of these men's deeds to wade through, and such acts do succeed each other waiting over land and by sea also to prevent these things: And this seems to me the most glorious of these feats—this I recall to mind—that they effect the next effort accomplished for the men at Marathon. These men who fought at Marathon in point of fact only showed the Greeks the possibility of defeating large numbers of foreigners on the ground with just a few, but at sea it was yet unclear and the Persian navy held repute as being unbeatable by cause of their multitude, resources, technical ability and strength; this is praiseworthy in the men who fought the engagement at sea, worthy for they dispensed with the fear the Greeks held and they stopped being terrified to great extent of young and men. From either side did it come about that those who fought at Marathon and the battle of Salamis—the other Greeks were trained by the men who made war by land and sea; they came to understand and got accustomed to not fearing foreigners. Third I pronounce the task at Plataea was, for the numbers and scope of its achievement, a matter of national security for Greece—a precedent of this affair between Spartans and Athenians. So these men all were defense against the greatest and most problematic threat, and because of this virtue in courage they are offered our praises now and for time to come by future generations; but after this were a good many of the Greeks' cities still under a foreign power, and the king himself was reported as intent on trying for the Greeks again. There is just cause for us to be mindful of these facts for we are men who by the actions of our predecessors do complete salvation by completely removing the driven barbarians from the sea. These were men both who fought at Eurymedon and went on campaign to Cyprus, even sailed to Egypt and many different places by different means: One must recollect them and understand with gratitude their importance in getting the king to pay attention in fear for his own safety, his mind on security, but not in plotting successfully ruin for the Greeks.

"Even this then indeed, this war wore the entire polis out on behalf of its citizens and the rest of the allies against the foreigners; but when peace came about and the city received its honor, there came to the city-state an occurrence not uncommon for the successful—at first a rivalry, and rivalry led to envy: Which also caused this city's listening to the Greeks in the war. After this, the war having occurred, they joined battle at Tanagra over the freedom of Boeotian people in confronting the Spartan foe—there was a battle hotly disputed, which a later action determined—for some left to depart leaving behind those they were trying to assist; meanwhile our forces achieved victory on the third day at Oenophyta by restoring rightfully those who were wrongly exiled. These then were the first men after the Persian war who presently assisted Greek against Greek for the sake of liberty to become bravely noble and liberate those whom their assistance aided: They 're the first laid to rest by the city which honors them in this memorial. After this, a great war broke out and as all the Greeks were up in arms cutting the country apart, and paying in full the price of undeserved gratitude for their city, our men defeated them by sea and taking the Spartan leaders at Sphagia,—they could have destroyed them—but yielded and recompensed, and even made peace, because they were intent on the need to wage war against Greeks to the point of victory and not out of a personal enmity of the state to destroy the fellowship of the race; but with foreigners, to the death. These men deserve their praise, who fought this war to rest here because they demonstrate that if someone were at odds over how some others in the prior conflict against the barbarians outshone the Athenians, their contentions are not true: Because these men here show that—with Greece in factional dispute—they overpowered the foremost of the rest of the Hellenes with whom they once overcame the foreign barbarians together, to conquer these men on one's own. The third conflict came, after this peace, unexpectedly and terrible; the one in which many great men made an end and lie here, so many in Sicily erected as endless monuments in defense of freedom for the people of Leontini whom they aided by cause of sworn oaths sailing even to far-flung places; and on account of the length of the voyage, the city at a loss and unable to help them—failling of this, they came to misfortune: Their enemies in bitter conflict retained greater grounds for praise of their virtuous prudence than the others' friends—but many in battle throughout the Hellespont, on a single day, took all the enemy ships overcoming many, and still more, and they said this was a thing fearfully unexpected as event of the war; I speak of this, the arrival to such a desire for victory, for the city as relates to the rest of the Greeks, that they actually dared to solicit the hateful king of Persia who repudiated their overture along with us, reintroduced this again in private—foreign act against the Hellenes—and united all the Greeks and barbarous peoples both against the city-state: Where indeed the city's might and virtue be quite clearly shown. Now the foe though it had already been exhausted in war and learned of the young men in Mytilene did assist with sixty ships, manned them themselves as well with men agreed to be the greatest to conquer the enemy as they freed the allies—They met a fate beneath them, unburied at sea: Now they have lain at rest. They are to be memorialized in praise; our victory came from the excellence of those men not only at the time in naval battle, but throughout even the remainder of the war, since the city has a hold on its repute because of their being honored for never flagging in armed conflict, all people could not—the reputation is also true!—overcome us, we were beaten by our difference from them, not by any other of them: We defeated ourselves and yield only to our own. And after this, a calm set in, and peace, for the rest; our domestic struggle was fought like that so if it is our lot for people to rebel, that no city-state otherwise boast of our city's disorder. Since the real citizens came together, one with another, apart from the Piraeus, outside the town so happy, humble, and beyond the hope of the rest of Greece (and they did settle the war with moderation against the men at Eleusis) and not one of those allegations was true in other respects, except for kinship in truth of fact, supplying its constantly loving kindness, alike in language and not just in speech, but as an action: It is necessary as well for those who have died at each other's hands in this conflict to have a memory and exchange some with whom we are able through prayer and sacrifices amongst such men as these, who in their strength outstrip those grasping their knees since even we have traded in our hostility. It's neither out of cowardice they bind each to the other, nor in hatred, but out of misfortune . And we are ourselves, who live, are witness of this: Beings in truth we ourselves acquire the same opinion as those people in relation to each other about things we did and suffered. But after this a total peace came about for us, the city kept itself peacefully quiet, forgiving on the one hand the foreign in that they, in suffering sufficiently badly at the city's hands, were not lacking in their defense, while on the other Athens, in anger at the Greeks, calls to mind how in suffering well the kind of favor they paid back—since they come together with the foreign other, depriving them of the ships which saved those people before, and obliterate the city walls, as return for preventing theirs from falling: But the city Athens was so minded as to never defend Greeks in servitude against each other, nor from foreign threats. Then, as we were disposed to this intention, the Spartans have come to believe their allies in defense of freedom, Athens, have fallen and that it was their work to toil slaving over the rest; they keep doing these things. And so why make idle talk? Truly, I wish not to speak about what happened with men of old, nor just after these things—but we our very selves do know how thoroughly struck to dumb they came of good use in the city of the Greeks and were the first—Argives, Boeotians and Corinthians,—and the thing most sacred, divinest of all, even the king didn't know what to have done in this affair,—so it happened that from not a single quarter did hope of relief arrive to him except from this city, which he readily did lose. And what is more, even if someone wants to justifiably find fault with the city, the one stating this sole allegation would make a proper claim that it has always been too disposed to pity which is service, even, of a lesser kind. In particular, at the time they were unable to remain steadfast and could not directly oversee the policy which had been adopted at Athens, that it would not assist anyone in a condition of servitude against the ones subjugating them, but instead relented and helped them and here she has assisted the Greeks in freeing them from slavery, so that they are as free as they were enslaved, while there it dared not to aid the king out of respect for its trophies at Marathon and Salamis and Plataea: But in allowing exiles and those who want to help did Athens save them with integrity. And with reinforced walls and filled with ships, accepting the war since it was compelled to war on the Parians' behalf we fight the Spartans. The king feared the city's state when he saw the Spartans give up fighting by sea and, wanting cause to revolt, he demanded of the mainland Greeks whom the Spartans had earlier provided him whether it would be an alliance with us and the rest of the allies; he thought we would not want to so that his excuse might be the pretext for an uprising. And he deceived the other allies, because they wanted to surrender to him; the Corinthians and men of Argos, Booetians and other allies assembled and swore an oath that if resources were needed, they would hire the Greeks in Greece proper—but we alone were not so reckless as to hire them nor give our word. Truly thus indeed is the noble aspect of the city's form and its freedom, the steadfast and healthy, anti-foreign nature, for being purely Greek separately from those not like us. Now descendants of Pelops and Cadmus, of Aegyptus or Danaus and a great many other whose nature is foreign—except when Greek by habit of custom—do not intermingle with us; but Greeks proper live untainted by foreign affiliation which is where the city gets its hatred purely of a foreign race. And yet we were singled out again for not wanting to act shamefully and to accomplish an impious act in hiring Greeks out for those not of our land: Then, when we arrived at the same matters by which we were earlier wasted in war, under God our execution of the war was better than in the past; in fact, with our ships and walls and our colonies we have come to desist from war in such a way so as to be content with its resolution, as are our enemies. However, we are bereaved of loss in truth, such virtuous men, in this war too, those brave men who made use of their difficulty in Corinth and betrayal at Lekhaeos—the noble men and ones who freed the king and sailed to victory over the Spartans at sea: I recall these to you, but it is proper to compliment them and put such men to rest.

"These are truly the deeds of the men who lie here, and of as many of the others who died for the city, a lot of finely worded things and the rest still yet so much more, and more beautiful: So many days and nights would not be enough for one who means to completely finish relating them. Then as these things are, those recalling the children of these men must direct each, every man—just as in war-time—not to desert the company of one's ancestors, nor to submit in yielding to cowardice hereafter. So therefore I myself, you children of great men, also now, even for what time remains I order—whenever I should happen upon meeting with one of you—I will both remember and encourage you to be the best possible; and presently I am justified in saying what our fathers dictated to proclaim for those forever left behind: If they should suffer some experience, when they are about to take a chance. But I relate to you what I heard from those famous men and the sort of things they would now say with sweetness in accepting your strength—to judge by signs they argued upon a time. Rather it is necessary to believe one hears those men themselves say what I state: & they uttered these words—

"Oh children, the fact that you come from brave fathers is a proclamation present even now; but while it is possible for us to live less than gloriously, we choose to make an end in lovely fashion before you do, before those upon a time who received the blame, sooner than our own fathers and the entirety of the race before us shrinks in shame,—we think he who shames his own kind lives no kind of life and believe for such a man that no single person, nor any of the gods, is dear to one meeting his end either above ground or below. Then it is necessary for men recalling our speech, if you embellish it somewhat otherwise, to fashion it in virtue knowing in this that all other things, both possessions and pursuits, are shamefully wrong. But luxurious wealth conducts its quality of possession through weakness—though such a one is rich to another degree, and not to his own benefit;—not beautiful in body and strength in being evil, in living together with respect to proper things there appears otherwise inappropriate content also making it an object more translucent in its possessing and exposing cowardice: All knowledge becomes separately of good judgment and the rest of its virtue is bad character—it seems not like true wisdom. It is for these reasons at the outset and in the final, last and through everything that you must try to possess every last thing completely in how to exceed both us and the men proceed us in fame: But if not, you must know that we, as for us, should beat you in contest of virtue, it is a shameful victory; but if we lose, our loss brings happiness. In particular, if we should fall short of victory and you conquer us—assuming you prepared your faculty of opinion towards the ancestors not for the purpose of killing or wasting your idea of it, to know for certain that for a person thinking about 'what's real there' is nothing more shameful than exhibiting oneself being honored not for one's own worth, but by cause of our fathers' traditional repute: That it is the honor due, children to their parents, as a glorious house of treasure; and that it is used for both wealth and esteem in this monument, and to not hand over our children out of some weak bit of courage, at a loss after seeing its own resources and grounds for praise. And if in general then you put these things in to practical service, friends, you come to us as dear friends when the attendant fate conveys you home; and thus taken care of and made shameful will no one accept you very kindly auspicious: Why some boys are to have these things said for them.

"Our fathers from whom we take life and mothers eternally need to take comfort in bearing unfortunate loss, and so if one should be reconciled also to not mourn—since they need no cause of distress—for the fate that befalls it will be sufficient to provide this, but healing men, those who mitigate remembrance recollect what prayers they offered them were the gods made hearers of. Because they do not pray for them to be made children immortal, rather to be great and well-known—they achieve these goals, which are the greatest good; all's not so entirely easy for a mortal man, according to his mental capacity, in what occurs in his life. And in bearing bravely their misfortunes as mere events, the fathers of brave sons are truly seen as being such themselves; if they give ground, they will give grounds for suspicion or have no place among our people, or will utter lies when praising us: But the imperative is neither of these, it is instead those who, especially among us, commend them in act providing themselves of appearance in reality as fathers of real men. For a good while now, the phrase 'nothing to excess' has been thought to have been well-said; it is, in truth, also well reasoned; but for any man, all the things which lead to happiness have been referred to oneself, or very near this, and that they not be raised up amongst other people by whom, whether they behave well or ill, they are compelled to err and that a man's affairs are ready to live the best possible way—this is a man of sense and this brave man is also wise; he will be persuaded of belief in the proverb despite money, by cause of children, in spite temptations because he neither exults in excess of joy nor is he too wrecked by grief: He will be seen accomplishing this of his own free will. We value such people as one of us willingly and assert they are so; we now allow that we ourselves are thus, not in anger or out of fear as to whether one must make an end presently. In deed we ask our fathers and mothers, with this same intention, to keep living for the rest of our life knowing those who sing and wail in grief will not do us a favor, unless there is a perception of the living for the departed; in this manner they would please not, and in disgracing themselves they bear too onerously their burden: Deftly with moderation can they present grace. Now, our matters will soon have their end, and it will be the most beautiful end for human beings so that it be the more fitting to adorn or hymn them and in caring for our women and children, and supporting them and turning our mind from here they would in particular live the more beautiful life in forgetfulness of fate, more upright, they're dearly beloved. This is enough to proclaim with us: But we wish to address the city so that they will take care of our fathers and sons in raising moderately the children and tend with worthiness the elderly; and now we know even if we advise encouragement, it will be sufficiently seen to.

"Those men therefore, oh you children and families of the dead, mandate that we bring this message back and I have reported it as readily as I can; and I myself ask on their behalf, on behalf of those who remember their own and for those of good cheer concerning their people—since we both in public and privately care for and about you, our elderly—wherever each should happen upon one another, whomever it is from their midst. You yourselves must certainly know of the city, how to serve it,—are aware of how it sets down laws concerning the children of men who died in the war and cares for their parents, and especially how it commands the other city-states to stand guard over the dominion which is largest in order that the fathers and mothers of the deceased not be harmed; it raises children in common, fully willing for no orphan be unwatched over by establishing them in the figure of their father while still yet children, and whenever they go to a man's final goal, it sends them away to their own fate after fitting them out in full suit of armor to demonstrate and recall the purposes of their father are a tool of the ancestral virtue it offers—and for the sake of an omen's favor the city starts to go to our familial abode, leading the way gloriously with strength at arms. It honored the dead to never abandon them and formed our laws, custom and beliefs according to each full year in common for all to see for each what happens in private, and established for them wrestling and horse-racing contests, and the whole art of music, and has clearly brought to establishment a fate of the dead in the house of son and heir, even for sons in their father's home, a place of their parents at the Governor's by fashioning all public business of everyone as careful service throughout all time. It is needful that you reflect on these concerns early in the day and endure fate, because to the dead and the living you are the most loved and easy to honor and do service. Now by this time you and all the others both must together depart by law in crying grief aloud for those who have made their end."

This is the speech, Menexenos, of Aspasia from Mytilene.

My god Socrates, you're saying Aspasia must be pretty blessed if she could compose such words despite being a woman.

Well if you don't believe me, follow along with me, and hear her while she speaks.

I've met Aspasia a number of times, Socrates, and I know what she's like.

So, what? You don't like her and now you're grateful to hear her oration?

I'm quite, oh Socrates, grateful for this speech of hers, or from whomever the man is who spoke it to you; and in a lot of other ways I'm grateful to the speaker.

That would be fine: So long as you don't defame me, in order that even in turn I might recite you a lot more lovely speeches, of the political kind, from her.

Don't worry, I won't blow your cover; only, tell me one.

Well, this will work.

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